|
Muslims in South Africa
Origins, Struggles and Achievements
(Part Three)
|
By Dr. Suleman Dangor**
Islamic Studies- University of Kwazulu-Natal
|
April 3, 2006
|
University
of Kwazulu-Natal professor Dr. Suleman Dangor delivers an in-depth
four-part analysis of the makeup, history, struggle, and
achievements of South African Muslims, one of the world's most
distinguished Muslim communities.
The
early Cape Muslims were primarily skilled artisans, such as
blacksmiths, bricklayers, boilermakers, carpenters, shoemakers,
tailors and valets, servants, et cetera. In the formative years of
the Dutch settlement at the Cape, they were considered a threat to
the economic welfare of the White ruling class. Consequently, the
Cape Town city council charged them exorbitant rents for houses to
prevent them from accumulating property (Davids).
The
Muslim traders who arrived in Natal were likewise viewed by the
British as economic competitors. They, too, made it difficult for
Muslims to acquire residential and trading rights. The Natal Indian
Congress was originally established to pursue these rights for
Indian traders, the majority of who were Muslims. The struggles of
traders and artisans have been documented in numerous publications (Arkin).
|
|
Yusuf Dadoo gives a speech at the Johannesburg City Hall steps, with young Nelson Mandela at the left.
|
Nowadays,
many Cape Muslims have retained their positions as artisans, while
others are employed as factory workers and clerks and some are
professionals. In Natal and the former Transvaal, descendents of the
former indentured laborers are now factory-workers, clerks,
artisans, or professionals. The descendents of traders who
traditionally inherited the family business now pursue professional
qualifications. This in part has led to the demise of several
reputed businesses.
According
to the Islamic Council of South Africa, about 20 percent of South
African Muslims are engaged in trade and commerce, 40 percent are
employed as skilled artisans, 25 percent are semi-skilled workers(1),
and 15 percent are professionals or white-collar workers. Though
these figures are far from accurate, they give some idea of the
distribution of human resources among Muslims.
Many
Muslim individuals have been involved in the struggle for justice
and human rights, either in their individual capacity or as members
of liberation movements or political formations (Omar).
The
beginning of Muslim political activity can be traced back to the end
of the 19th Century. Achmat Effendi, the son of the famous Abu Bakr
Effendi, attempted to gain a parliamentary seat in 1894 but was
foiled by conservative Whites (Davids). The South African Moslem
Association was founded in 1902 at the Cape by Nematullah Effendi,
the son of Abu Bakr Effendi, and the African Peoples' Organization
was founded by Dr. Abdullah Abdul Rahman in 1905 (Saunders). While
the former organization represented the interests of Muslims, the
latter did not confine itself to Muslim concerns.
Later,
many Muslims joined the Non-European Unity Movement and the
Teacher's League of South Africa both of which were established in
1913 and were at the forefront of the anti-apartheid movement. Abdul
Rahman was the first "person of color" to win a seat in
the Cape Town city council in 1904 and the Cape Provincial council
in 1915. Rahman championed Colored people's demands for franchise,
their right to work and fair wages, and their right to education (Arkin).
Muslims
were not represented in Parliament until the 1970's when the
then National Party government introduced the Tricameral
System. |
|
In
1894, the Natal Indian Congress (NIC) was established in Durban
primarily to fight for trading and residential rights for Indians.
Restrictions on Indian trade and acquisition of land by the
Transvaal authorities led to the establishment of the Transvaal
Indian Congress. The majority of the Congress members in Natal were
Muslim traders, as were its first three presidents: Abdullah Hajee
Adam, Abdul Karim Hajee Adam Zaveri, and Cassim Jeewa.
One
of the best known NIC stalwarts was Abdulla Ismail Kajee, who had
formed part of the delegations to India in 1922 and to the United
Nations in 1946 to demand civil rights for South African Indians.
Mahatma Gandhi was, incidentally, invited by a Muslim trader, (2)Abu
Bakr Amod, to represent him in a civil suit against another Muslim
trader. Muslims fully supported Gandhi's passive resistance campaign
that protested against discriminatory practices against Indians. It
was for this that Gandhi acquired international fame and honor.
In
the Transvaal, two of the most prominent figures of the congress
movement were Moulvi Cachalia and Yusuf Dadoo. While the former
spent most of his political life in exile in India, Yusuf Dadoo
became one of the leading figures in resistance against the White
minority rule in South Africa. He was president of the Transvaal
Indian Congress, chairman of the Anti-Segregation Council, and
chairman of the Transvaal Passive Resistance Council. He, along with
Monty Naicker, led the defiance campaign in 1939 that aimed at
reversing discriminatory practices against Black South Africans (Calpin).
Dadoo and Naicker attended the All-Asia Conference Delhi in 1947 and
the United Nations General Assembly in Paris in 1948.
Imam
Haron, a stalwart of the liberation struggle, inspired Muslim youth
at the Cape to identify with the oppressed majority in South Africa.
His death in detention is known throughout the world. The Muslim
Judicial Council established in 1945 condemned the Group Areas Act,
the Sabotage Bill, and other unjust laws. The Cape Muslim Youth
Movement established in 1957 and the Claremont Muslim Youth
Association established in 1958 greatly increased the political
awareness of Muslim youth.
Muslims
were not represented in Parliament until the 1970's, when the then
National Party government introduced the tricameral system. The
system assigned separate chambers of parliament, referred to
respectively as the House of Delegates, House of Assembly, and House
of Representatives to Indians, Whites, and Colored people. Africans
were only allowed to exercise their political rights through their
homelands or Bantustans.
The
majority of Indians and Colored people rejected the tricameral
system and boycotted the elections. Both Qiblah, an Islamic
revolutionary movement, was established in 1981 by Achmat Cassiem
who had been greatly inspired by the Iranian Revolution and Call of
Islam, which was established in 1984 by Faried Essack, rejected the
distinct Malay identity which distinguished the Cape Malay
Association that was established in 1923 (Saunders).
Imam
Haron, stalwart of the liberation struggle, inspired Muslim
youth at the Cape to identify with the oppressed majority in
South Africa. |
|
Qiblah
was closely associated with the Black Consciousness Movement and the
Pan-African Congress, while the Call of Islam became a major role
player in the United Democratic Front (UDF), an umbrella body
comprising of civic, community, and church organizations which
initiated a campaign of civil disobedience. The Muslim Judicial
Council also aligned itself with the UDF.
The
Muslim Youth Movement of South Africa, which was established in 1970
in Durban, rejected the Indian identity and strove to include
African Muslims as well as women in its structure and programs.
Though it was initially nonaligned and opposed to the African
National Congress' (ANC) willingness to form a government of
national unity, it subsequently identified itself with the ANC and
now fully supports the current regime.
The
end of the apartheid regime and ushering in of the democratic era in
1994 was welcomed by the majority of South Africans, including
Muslim citizens. Since then, sectors of Muslims have adopted
pro-government, neutral, and anti-government positions. The Majlisul
Ulama of South Africa, for instance, clearly advised Muslims against
voting in the elections or participating in structures of the
current regime.
The
Africa Muslim Party, which was established in Durban, and the
Islamic Party, which originated in Cape Town, did not gain a single
seat in the 1994 elections. The Africa Moral Party, which contested
the last elections, likewise gained little support. While supporters
of these parties favored participation, they did not see it fit to
join existing parties, they preferred a party which would primarily
promote the interests of Muslims.
Today,
there are a number of Muslim parliamentarians, councilors, and civil
servants in South Africa, Most of who have aligned themselves with
the African National Congress. A few have joined opposition parties
such as the New Democratic Party and the Nationalist Party.
Followers of the Islamic Unity Convention, however, have no faith in
the new political dispensation, accusing it of corruption, elitism,
abandoning the masses, caving in to international finance, and
promoting immorality and vice.
Sources:
Arkin,
A. J., ed. The Indian South Africans. Pinetown, 1989.
Calpin,
G. H. Indians in South Africa. Pietermaritzburg, 1949.
Davids,
A. The Mosques of Bo-Kaap. Cape Town, 1980.
Omar,
A. R. The impact of the death in detention of Imam Abdullah Haron
on Cape Muslim Political Attitudes, (BA Hons, University of Cape
Town, 1987), 1-9.
Saunders,
C., ed. Studies in the History of Cape Town. Cape Town, 1981.
**Dr.
Suleman Dangor is
a professor of Islamic Studies and the Academic Coordinator in the
School of Religion and Theology, University of Kwazulu-Natal.
1-ICSA,
Meet the Muslims of South Africa. Durban, 1984. pp. 21.
2-See
M. Swan, Gandhi, The South African Experience. Johannesburg, 1985.
|